By Ben Campkin, Rosie Cox
Dirt--and our rituals to get rid of it--are as a lot part of our daily lives as consuming, respiring and slumbering. but this actual fact signifies that we seldom cease to query what we suggest by way of dirt. What do our attitudes to airborne dirt and dust and cleanliness let us know approximately ourselves and the societies we are living in?
The members to this paintings disclose the pursuits which underlie daily conceptions of dust and show how our principles approximately it are in detail sure up with problems with race, ethnicity, classification, gender, sexuality and the physique. Exploring a wide selection of settings--domestic, city and rural--this unique paintings finds how attitudes to airborne dirt and dust and cleanliness turn into occur in strangely assorted methods, together with the rituals linked to demise and burial; inside and architectural layout aesthetics; city infrastructure, regeneration and renewal; movie symbolism; and patron attitudes to food.
A rich and difficult paintings that extends our figuring out of the cultural manifestations of dust and cleanliness.
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Additional info for Dirt: New Geographies of Cleanliness and Contamination
Sample text
The third symbolic opposition is between the social and the service areas of the house. These three pairs of dualisms are important for understanding the symbolic geography of Brazilian homes. They are also key ingredients in comprehending the patterns and the logic of cleaning and its evaluation, the criteria of dirt and pollution that prevail in each room and how these criteria function in establishing boundaries, restricting behaviour and categorizing people. Domestic workers in Brazilian homes The layout of Brazilian houses and apartments reveals the permanence of the distinction between employers and domestic workers.
Hughes20 considered the rationalizations adopted by people who undertake the dirty work of their societies, namely work seen as morally or physically repellent, it has been clear that people frequently conceptualize their involvement in dirty work in ways that help foster or maintain selfesteem. Even though Hughes did not really locate these rationalizations sociologically, that is he did not consider how they related to how people are simultaneously positioned in class, gender, ‘race’ or other social hierarchies, we should recognize them as aspects of the social relations of dirt.
25 According to Lise Widding Isaksen, both formal and informal intimate care of the elderly, whose bodies are imagined as open and unlimited (namely unbounded), is almost entirely the responsibility of women, even though men may be involved in emotional and other practical forms of support. The ‘unwritten rule saying that the more intimate the work is, the less likely it is that men are doing it’ rests in part on normative associations between genders, bodies, spatial regulations – and dirt; old age in particular is perceived as dirty, representing not only a ‘piling up of undischarged remnants of a lifetime of eating and drinking’,26 but also contaminated by its proximity to death (see Selket, Chapter 4 in this volume).