By Alessandro D'Avenia
Leo è un sedicenne come tanti: ama le chiacchiere con gli amici, il calcetto, le scorribande in motorino e vive in perfetta simbiosi con il suo iPod. Le ore passate a scuola sono uno strazio, i professori "una specie protetta che speri si estingua definitivamente". Così, quando arriva un nuovo supplente di storia e filosofia, lui si prepara advert accoglierlo con cinismo e palline inzuppate di saliva. Ma questo giovane insegnante è diverso: una luce gli brilla negli occhi quando spiega, quando sprona gli studenti a vivere intensamente, a cercare il proprio sogno. Leo sente in sé los angeles forza di un leone, ma c'è un nemico che lo atterrisce: il bianco. Il bianco è l'assenza, tutto ciò che nella sua vita riguarda los angeles privazione e los angeles perdita è bianco. Il rosso invece è il colore dell'amore, della passione, del sangue; rosso è il colore dei capelli di Beatrice. Perché un sogno Leo ce l'ha e si chiama Beatrice, anche se lei ancora non lo sa. Leo ha anche una realtà, più vicina, e, come tutte le presenze vicine, più difficile da vedere: Silvia è l. a. sua realtà affidabile e serena. Quando scopre che Beatrice è ammalata e che l. a. malattia ha a che fare con quel bianco che tanto lo spaventa, Leo dovrà scavare a fondo dentro di sé, sanguinare e rinascere, in step with capire che i sogni non possono morire e trovare il coraggio di credere in qualcosa di più grande.
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Additional resources for Bianca come il latte, rossa come il sangue
28 As with the example of Fiviller, preachers such as Osona and Sarria reminded their audience that “the Catalan nation” (a phrase used repeatedly by all these preachers in their orations) had never once faltered in its imitation of Jordi’s orthodox service, presenting them with this explicit challenge—would their generation be the first? ” Several examples are cited from the Reconquista: in one sermon the Canon Osona noted Sarria, 22. Osona, 15v–16. 28 Osona, 2; Sarria, 20. 26 27 The Sacral Limits of Empire 21 that even Castilian historians were willing to admit the valor of the Catalans in this archetypal holy war, so fundamental to the early modern Spanish identity.
In Spain, the publication of these occasional sermons was called sueltos as opposed to sermonarios, which were the collected sermons of a particular priest, friar, or monk. Dansey Smith, Preaching, 29. Harry Stout has observed that by the time of the American Revolution 85 percent of all printed sermons were occasional sermons, and their influence affected all 13 colonies (Stout, 4–5)—and this proportion seems to hold true in Catalonia as well, at least during the 1630s and 1640s. 21 This relationship is first described in terms of horticulture: “I am the true vine and my Father is the gardener.
Michael J. Levin, “Italy and the Limits of the Spanish Empire,” 121. H. Elliot, “A Europe of Composite Monarchies,” Past and Present, 137 (1992): 10 11 48–71. The Limits of Empire: An Introduction 5 monarchy when he was a student of Parker’s at St Andrews. Frost’s subject is the composite monarchy of Poland and Lithuania, and he argues that the two crowns benefited from their subjects’ awareness of the advantages of their being worn by the same sovereign. ”14 Frost calls on historians to pay more attention to the political communities participating in the enterprise of empire.